Freedom of speech, gatherings, and protests are some commonly shared values of democratic polity around the globe. The Nepali public has been habituated to a political culture of street protests for more than three decades since 1990, for dissenting and expressing dissatisfaction against the incumbent government. The focus here is neither on the types of protests nor their modus operandi, rather on the lack of credible and factual ground reporting of any given incident by the mainstream, private, and social media, which appear to function for their own vested interests these days in the South Asian region – shunning all professional ethics.
Of late, this has been crystal clear in the news coverage of the street protests organized by pro-monarchy supporters in Kathmandu to reinstate the Monarchy and a Hindu nation. The Nepali folks who are active on social media platforms, particularly on YouTube, for live streaming of events, news, and podcasts on their YouTube channels, feel they have the birthright to sensationalize any piece of information in order to increase their viewership and subscribers. They follow the YouTube guidelines fearing that certain red lines shouldn’t be crossed; otherwise, their channels are demonetized or taken down. Or else, they are not even obliged to be under the tight regulations of the state – exceptions arise only when the state perceives that certain channels’ contents propagate hate, disharmony, or chaos in society, and the content creators need to be booked under cybercrime law.
The news reporting by these YouTubers since ex-King Gyanendra Shah returned from his short trip to Pokhara and the crowd gathered to welcome him at Tribhuwan International Airport on March 9, 2025, till the unfortunate incident that happened at Tinkune and Koteshwor on March 28, 2025 – when private and public properties were vandalized, set on fire, and looted – provides ample examples of manufactured misinformation and disinformation propaganda. The mainstream media, as is obvious, are the mouthpiece of the incumbent government, and the news they broadcasted on these incidents remained highly censored and selective; thus, the public has lost trust in them. And so are the private television channels, which have leanings towards various political entities; they also showed their differences while covering the news on these recent incidents, along the lines of their patrons. Now, even the common man can easily distinguish which private channel is towing whose vested political interest in the name of intellectual discussions or interview programs televised on their channels.
The most startling of all was the news reporting by the correspondents of some corporate media from India, who parachuted into the Kathmandu Valley for the coverage of the pro-monarchy rallies held since March 9, 2025. It seems that they already had a clear mindset on what to report rather than what the reality is on the ground. The media hype and sensation they created in the last one month made it seem as if the entire Nepal is set to embrace the monarchy. Given the length and breadth of Kathmandu city, which is not even the size of any average major city in India, here, everyone knows who is who. The public knows well who Durga Prasai is – a self-styled commander of the pro-monarchy movement – and is familiar with all eminent political figures from Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP); their past, present, and even their predictable future as to where their pro-monarchy cause will eventually end up. This individual familiarity with one another is so much so that there is a common belief among people that ex-King Gyanendra Shah doesn’t have faith in the political actors who are in support of him. But for some corporate Indian media, the political agenda of the rallies and protests held for pro-Monarchy and Hindu nation in Nepal resonates with the broader political ideology of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in India – a far-right Hindu nationalist organization – which aims to make a unified Greater India, Akhanda Bharat. Hence, their interest in the monarchists’ rallies, especially in highlighting that these rallies have the moral support of Yogi Adityanath, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, India – as one person was spotted carrying Yogi’s photo bearing a placard in one of the events held in Kathmandu. Ironically, this has created embarrassment for the monarchy supporters in Nepal.
In Nepal, a layman has at least the wisdom to understand the ground reality, i.e., the people are utterly frustrated with the current dispensation that is running like a game of musical chairs, where the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist and Leninist), Nepali Congress, and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) hold the prime ministerial position by turns. And, in the name of democracy, the people have been offered the gift of rampant corruption, high inflation, slowdown in economic growth, exodus of youths to Middle Eastern countries for cheap labor, and the list goes on. Therefore, the frustrated masses are ready to galvanize under any political force that is ready to challenge the current dispensation; and the pro-monarchy group wants to capitalize on this situation to reinstate the monarchy. This current scenario gives a glimpse into the recent past history of the CPN (Maoist)-led insurgency that started in 1996 from the remote mid and far western districts of Nepal; because people felt frustrated with their leaders and representatives who didn’t bother to return to their electoral constituencies once the general elections were over, and made good fortunes and enjoyed lavish lifestyles in the capital.
It is ironic that in the present era of advancement in information technology and mass media, the common people are deprived of authentic, unbiased, and credible sources of media outlets, which can be relied on and trusted as the fourth pillar of democracy. And the media-manufactured misinformation and disinformation propaganda are growing by the day. The concerned stakeholders should ponder this issue seriously.
[Photo credit: DALL·E]
Naveen Dubey is a freelance researcher based in Kathmandu, with many years of experience in the fields of development, education, peace and reconciliation, and human rights. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.
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